Ulyukaev and Sechin met strangely. And strangely parted ways. Sechin vs Ulyukaev: what is the difference between the testimony of Sechin and Ulyukaev conflict

In a high-profile case of corruption in the Ministry of Economic Development, new details appear. Aleksey Ulyukaev, the first federal minister in Russian history to be detained for taking a bribe, accuses the FSB and Rosneft of provocation and does not want to plead guilty. He could be jailed for 15 years. This is the maximum punishment provided for under the article presented to him.

What's happening

On Wednesday, August 16, the Zamoskvoretsky Court of Moscow began to consider the case of the former Minister of Economic Development of Russia Alexei Ulyukaev on the merits. He is accused of taking a $2 million bribe for approving a Rosneft deal to buy a state-owned stake in Bashneft. During the meeting, the parties had the opportunity to express their versions of what happened.

What Ulyukaev said

The ex-minister pleads not guilty. According to him, the FSB staged a provocation.

“The FSB prepared for several weeks, waited for me to arrive, but I did not come. Without waiting for me to arrive to get the money, Sechin personally called me and persuaded me to come, ”the former head of the Ministry of Economic Development voiced his version.

What did the prosecution say?

The prosecutor said that in October 2016, at the BRICS summit in the Indian state of Goa, Alexei Ulyukaev demanded $ 2 million from Igor Sechin. In this amount, he estimated gratitude for the positive conclusion on the deal to buy Bashneft shares, the prosecution indicates.

In addition, Ulyukaev put pressure on Sechin. In case of refusal of "gratitude", he promised to impede the further work of Rosneft, using the tools available to him - the Ministry of Economic Development will not give positive conclusions on other transactions of the company.

“Sechin, realizing the threat of Ulyukaev, who was a member of the Government of the Russian Federation in order to prevent negative consequences for the company, agreed to the illegal demands of Ulyukaev,” the prosecutor said.

At the end of October 2016, Igor Sechin turned to the FSB, and he was brought in to participate in operational-search activities.

How they took Ulyukaev

On November 15, a former federal official was caught red-handed while receiving a bribe at the Rosneft office. At that time, the media, citing sources in law enforcement agencies, wrote that Ulyukaev had been in the development of the security forces for more than a year. It was also reported that during the arrest he tried to get through to some patrons, but he failed to do so.

Why Ulyukaev wanted to be thanked

On October 12, Rosneft bought the state-owned stake in Bashneft for 330 billion rubles. The money went to the federal budget. The Ministry of Economic Development approved this deal.

Alexei Ulyukaev, as head of the Ministry of Economic Development, actively advocated the sale of state assets. In his opinion, privatization would improve the efficiency of their management. The government, the ex-minister believed, is not capable of this.

He considered the privatization of Bashneft useful, as well as the sale of state-owned stakes in Sberbank, VTB, Sovcomflot and Rosneft.

Who is Alexey Ulyukaev

Alexey Ulyukaev is 61 years old.

Graduated from the Faculty of Economics of Moscow State University (1979), Doctor of Economics.

From 1988 to 1991 he worked as a journalist: he was in charge of the editorial department of the Kommunist magazine, he was a political observer in Moscow News.

In 1991, Ulyukaev became an economic adviser to the government and was a member of the reform team led by Yegor Gaidar. In 1993–1994, he worked as an assistant to First Deputy Prime Minister Gaidar. At the beginning of the 2000s, he served as Deputy Minister of Finance (Alexey Kudrin was then the head of the Ministry of Finance).

From 2004 until June 2013, Alexey Ulyukaev was the Deputy Chairman of the Bank of Russia (headed by the regulator Sergei Ignatiev).

In June 2013, he was appointed head of the Ministry of Economic Development, replacing Andrei Belousov in this post (now he works as an assistant to the President of Russia).

Awarded the Order of Merit for the Fatherland, 4th class. Writes poems.

Considers corruption one of the main obstacles to the normal development of the state. “Corruption is a problem. The level of corruption is high. But just making a statement about the existence of corruption is not enough. Need to do something. And as I said, transparency is The best way improve the situation,” Ulyukaev said.

current position

Now the ex-minister is under house arrest. The trial in his case will continue on September 1.

Ulyukaev passes under Part 6 of Art. 290 of the Criminal Code - “Receiving a bribe by a person holding a public position of the Russian Federation, in particular large size". It provides for several types of punishments.

Firstly, it can be a fine of 3–5 million rubles or in the amount of the convicted person’s income for 3–5 years, or in the amount of 80 or 100 times the amount of a bribe, with deprivation of the right to hold certain positions for a period of 15 years.

Secondly, a person convicted under this article is threatened with imprisonment for 8-15 years. He can also be charged with a fine (70 times the amount of the bribe) or deprive him of the right to hold certain posts.

Ulyukaev himself tries not to lose his cheerful mood, goes jogging. On August 8, he even thanked Russian justice for the opportunity to improve his physical shape. “I lost 14 kg, thanks to our justice for this,” said the ex-minister.

Zamoskvoretsky Court of Moscow began this morning to consider the merits of the case against the former Minister of Economic Development of Russia Alexei Ulyukaev. He is accused of taking a bribe on an especially large scale. According to the prosecution, Ulyukaev extorted two million dollars from representatives of Rosneft for a positive assessment of the deal to buy Bashneft. A few months before the arrest, the former minister stated that Rosneft -"inappropriate buyer for such an asset". In November last year, Ulyukayev was caught red-handed and has been under house arrest ever since. He does not admit guilt, and considers the charges against him "a heinous provocation." The court session itself lasted less than two hours, after which further consideration of the materials of the criminal case was postponed to September 1st.

Aleksey Ulyukaev arrived at the court accompanied by four lawyers, he had an electronic book in his hands. A mini-press conference was held before the start of the meeting. The ex-minister, in particular, said that he was now reading Chekhov's story "Murder", and then he would move on to essays. According to him, he did not talk to President Putin after his arrest, he considers the current economic situation in the country "excellent, but not hopeless," and he still calls his criminal prosecution a provocation.

Speaking in court, Ulyukaev said that the investigators fabricated the charge, based solely on the testimony Igor Sechin. According to the former minister, the FSB and the head of the Rosneft security service also participated in this provocation. Oleg Feoktistov.

“The federal security service carried out a provocation of a bribe, organized on the basis of a deliberately false denunciation by the chief executive officer of Rosneft, Igor Sechin, and the head of the security service of Rosneft, Oleg Feoktistov,” Ulyukaev said in court. this criminal case. In the course of the investigation, law enforcement agencies not only deliberately ignored the obvious evidence of the falsity of Sechin's testimony, but also deliberately failed to take the necessary actions aimed at obtaining evidence of this falsity. the accusation is fabricated, which is based solely on the testimony of Sechin that I allegedly extorted a bribe from him for a positive opinion on the participation of the Rosneft company in the privatization of Bashneft. before the events fictionalized by Sechin, the latter also stated that I threatened him if he refused to pay the required amount aimed at obstructing the activities of the Rosneft company. I think that simple common sense would be more than enough to conclude that this statement is false and absurd, not only in view of my official competence, which does not allow me to influence commercial persons in general, but also of the Rosneft company, which is not subordinate to the Federal Property Management Agency, and, therefore, and the Ministry of Economic Development, but also because of the obvious discrepancy between my political weight and the weight of Mr. Sechin in the Russian political establishment."

Former Minister of Economic Development of Russia Alexei Ulyukaev was detained on the night of November 14-15, 2016 at the office of Rosneft. The next day, the Basmanny Court of Moscow authorized the arrest of the official, and the President Vladimir Putin dismissed him from the post of minister "in connection with the loss of confidence." The court also seized 15 properties and cash former minister in the amount of more than 564 million rubles. Aleksey Ulyukaev was charged under Part 6 of Art. 206 of the Criminal Code of the Russian Federation - "Receiving a bribe by a person holding a public position of the Russian Federation, on an especially large scale." According to the investigation, the former minister received $2 million for a positive opinion issued by the Ministry of Economic Development and Trade, which allowed Rosneft to buy a 50.08% stake in Bashneft from the state.

As follows from the indictment, which was heard in court today, Sechin personally handed over the money to Ulyukaev at the Rosneft office.

The investigation also claims that, extorting a bribe, Ulyukayev threatened representatives of Rosneft to create obstacles for its activities. According to the Investigative Committee, traces of a special substance were found on the fingers of the former minister, with which the bribe was processed. Kommersant's sources explain that Ulyukaev did not touch the money itself, but touched the handle of the case, which also contained the substance. It is reported that the former minister was supposed to receive two cases. As follows from the indictment, which was heard in court today, Sechin personally handed over the money to Ulyukaev at the Rosneft office. And then Ulyukaev placed the money in the trunk of his personal car, from where the FSB confiscated it.

During the nine months that the ex-minister is under house arrest, he "lost 14 kilograms, thanks to our justice for this"

The investigation into Ulyukaev's case ended at the end of May. On August 8, a preliminary meeting was held at the Zamoskvoretsky Court of Moscow: the former minister was extended the period of house arrest until the end of January 2018. Ulyukaev once again did not admit his guilt, while earlier he stated that he was ready to cooperate with the investigation. He called the charges "a heinous provocation", which, according to him, is beneficial to "the corrupt part of the management and special services." During the nine months that the ex-minister is under house arrest, he "lost 14 kilograms, thanks to our justice for this."

Also during the preliminary meeting, it became known that the chief executive officer of Rosneft, Igor Sechin, who, according to media reports, was directly present at the meeting, after which the former minister was detained, was declared in the case as a witness for the prosecution. Oil company spokesman Mikhail Leontiev told RBC that Sechin is ready to come to the trial if he is called to testify and if the court adjusts to his schedule.

According to Novaya Gazeta, the FSB worked on the case of Alexei Ulyukaev for at least a year, supervised the operational actions of Oleg Feoktistov, deputy head of the FSB Department of Internal Security (SSD), who then headed the security service of Rosneft. As Vedomosti reported, citing a high-ranking law enforcement officer, the head of Rosneft, Igor Sechin, asked Oleg Feoktistov to assist him in this matter, even when the general worked for the FSB. In addition, the interlocutor of the newspaper believes that the arrival of Feoktistov in the state-owned company helped the sale of a stake in Bashneft in favor of Rosneft. In March " New Newspaper"With reference to sources, she said that Feoktistov was fired from both the FSB and the state company Rosneft.

Vedomosti reported that in addition to Ulyukaev, other officials could be under development, in particular, the Deputy Prime Minister Arkady Dvorkovich, President `s assistant Andrey Belousov, Director of the Department of the Ministry of Economic Development Oksana Tarasenko and assistant to Igor Shuvalov Marina Romanova.

Director of the Center for Political Studies of the Financial University under the Government of Russia Pavel Salin discusses the prospects of this process and what political decisions may affect the fate of the former minister.

Ulyukaev does not have an influential patron who would be close to the president

There are two factors at play here that balance each other out. On the one hand, Ulyukaev, of course, belongs to the group of those who are commonly called systemic liberals, but, on the other hand, he never had such an influential patron, for example, as Mr. Storchak, who was also arrested at one time, but in As a result, Kudrin managed to put the brakes on this matter. Ulyukaev does not have an influential patron who would be close to the president in order to argue his point of view and gradually put the matter on the brakes. But still, Mr. Ulyukaev belongs to the camp of systemic liberals. If the situation had been a year and a half ago, then one could say that the political component in this process, taking into account the status (after all, the former minister), would be minimal. But now we have a presidential campaign unfolding. And, most importantly, a struggle is unfolding for the agenda of the next president - no matter who it will be, Vladimir Putin, which is most likely, or someone else. The agenda is unfolding - what will our internal and foreign policy. The clash between two ideological apparatus groups, coalitions in the Russian elite, relatively speaking, liberals or technocrats, and those who are commonly called the security forces, has escalated. And the aggravation of this confrontation will probably affect the course of this case. How harsh the sentence will be for Ulyukaev, whether it will be accompanied by a real term or whether Ulyukaev will get off with a suspended sentence - the lower-level elites and other outside observers will judge by the outcome of this struggle - which side historical luck is leaning on. Therefore, the political component in this case will be very significant.

If the government chooses a real fight against corruption as one of the meaning-forming structures of the election campaign, then real plantings will be arranged just in time for the presidential campaign. Landings should be loud.

- From your point of view, which side is the ball on now? Are there any signals that this may be a real time?

- So far the ball is not on either side, because there are too many variables. First, it is unclear who will run for the presidential elections as the main candidate from the authorities. 80% that this is Vladimir Putin, but far from 100%. And even if it is Vladimir Putin, what agenda will he go with? Will the government push the anti-corruption agenda? Still, 17 years of the current elite's stay at the top, that is, there is already a certain fatigue and skepticism. And if you are fighting against something, then what have you been doing for these 17 years?! Therefore, the authorities now need not to put forward some slogans, as during the Medvedev presidency, but to prove it with real deeds. And it may very well be that if the government really chooses a real fight against corruption, curbing the corruption appetites of officials, as one of the meaning-forming structures of the election campaign, then real plantings will be arranged just in time for the presidential campaign. Naturally, landings should be loud. Here, the governors who have been arrested will come under attack, and, probably, in the fall, perhaps there will be arrests. There is still a decision, as I understand it, not finally made. Naturally, if it is also a former minister, it will be unprecedented in recent history Russia. This is still playing against Ulyukaev. The defense is well aware of this. She's trying to delay the case. A week ago, the lawyers applied to the court with a request to postpone the consideration of the case. They were refused. Because if the sentence is handed down after the presidential election, the higher the chances that the sentence will be suspended. So far, a lot is unclear. And the situation is not very favorable for Mr. Ulyukaev. But everything can change. While it is impossible to say that the ball is on someone's side. Figuratively speaking, the teams have finished the warm-up on the field and are waiting for the referee's whistle. The whistle, I think, will be Vladimir Putin's statement about his readiness to participate in the elections or about recommending someone as successor. Then it will become clear with what agenda he will go.

- At the same meeting, it was said that Igor Sechin was declared as a witness for the prosecution. How do you assess the likelihood that he will appear in court? What role does he play in this process?

He demonstrates that since it is informally considered in the elite that he is the initiator of this case, he is ready to go to the end

– I estimate this probability as very high. As soon as the information appeared, a discussion began on the same day: will Sechin be in court or not? In my opinion, the discussion has grown from scratch. Perhaps the debaters simply inattentively looked at the fact that he was declared as a possible witness for the prosecution. If he had been declared by the defense as a possible witness, then there would have been intrigue. The defense will succeed in pushing through its position, whether Mr. Sechin will come to court or testify remotely. The defense could prepare some tricky questions, some unpleasant invoice. And it would make sense for Mr. Sechin to evade this. I am sure that this was announced at least in agreement with Mr. Sechin, and, perhaps, on his initiative. He demonstrates that since it is informally considered in the elite that he is the initiator of this case, he is ready to go to the end. Because any retreat back will be interpreted as a weakening of his position. And, perhaps, even he is no longer particularly interested in pushing this case to the end, because at the end of last year the initiators of this arrest had a different interest. The entire financial and economic bloc of the government was under the gun in order to change everything - and replace systemic liberals with security officials. It failed. Therefore, now the interests of this case have largely lost their excitement, have lost the meaning of this whole combination. But A said - say B. Therefore, the matter must be brought to an end, because if, again, the sentence is lenient, it will be interpreted by observers external to this entire conflict as a weakening of the position of the security forces in general and Mr. Sechin in particular. Therefore, there is an interest by inertia to bring this matter to the end. As far as I understand, if the scales tilt not to the side of the prosecution, not to the side of the security forces, then, perhaps, Sechin's testimony will become an act of public lobbying of his interests.

“But at the same time, there are a lot of gaps in this case. It is not entirely clear how many of these suitcases were - one, two? How and where was Ulyukayev detained? Why don't we know anything until the end?

If the sentence is handed down after the presidential election, the higher the chances that it will be suspended

“Because it is still unclear what final political decision will be made in this case. A decision will be made to imprison Ulyukaev for a real term or not. Therefore, the parties keep arguments in reserve, in the first place. And, secondly, there is a risk that if one of the parties throws out some information that is unpleasant for the other side, the other side will respond with the same. And in the conditions of the presidential elections, this can negatively affect not only the image of systemic liberals or security officials, but also the image of the authorities as a whole. In Ukraine, various clans compromised themselves during Yanukovych's presidency, launched a compromising war of annihilation, and as a result, the system of power itself was delegitimized, which facilitated the overthrow of the Yanukovych regime. Therefore, while the parties, firstly, hold the arguments, because you need to have something in reserve. And, secondly, they try to follow the informal rules of the game. Still, a lot of texture is not for extra ears and eyes, so as not to delegitimize the system of power in Russia, Pavel Salin concludes.

According to the political scientist Nikolay Petrov, Alexey Ulyukaev became a victim of a weak conflict Russian government and forces that do not have "formal influence". At the same time, the political scientist believes that, most likely, the case of the former minister will be put on the brakes:

- The case will end with nothing or almost nothing, that is, either it will not be brought to an end at all, or, as is usually the case now, the court will decide that the time that Ulyukaev spent under house arrest is enough, and it is precisely this term of punishment that he will receive. It seems to me that in the end we will get a situation where Ulyukaev will remain a pensioner, but will not end up in places of detention, there will be no strengthening, toughening here. Rather, everything will be put on the brakes. Over the past 2-3 years, a large number of very different cases often confuse experts in the sense that they can accurately and clearly explain - why, why and who benefits from it? – is not always possible. And the main explanation, which, it seems to me, unites Ulyukaev's case with many others, is that he was a little bit different. He was a little apart, although he was considered, as it were, one of the members of the so-called liberal-economic clan in the government. He turned out to be less protected than other representatives of this clan or representatives of other clans.

Igor Sechin's role is key, and I don't think he will appear in court

I would think that in addition to some subjective factors and clashes with oil, in addition to the conflict between the demonstrative Rosneft and the entire government over Bashneft and its privatization, Ulyukaev became a victim here. Because he turned out to be the weakest and, in this sense, the least protected figure. But precisely a victim, because this is a demonstration of the weakness of the government and, conversely, the strength of those structures and forces that, having no formal influence, nevertheless defiantly challenged the government and, in the case of Ulyukaev, demonstrated that force is on their side. The role of Igor Sechin is a key one, and I don't think he will appear in court. It would be below his dignity, as he understands it. It was announced, but so far there are no signals that such a turn of events is possible, - concludes Nikolai Petrov.

Aleksey Ulyukaev became the first minister-level official in Russia against whom a criminal case was opened for corruption. Before that, only former Defense Minister Anatoly Serdyukov was accused of negligence in the construction of a road in the Astrakhan region, but in 2014 the case against him was dropped, as he was granted an amnesty for the 20th anniversary of the Russian Constitution.

What were Igor Sechin and Alexei Ulyukaev talking about before the minister received the "basket" with two million dollars? Fontanka was helped to understand this by experts - an oil and gas analyst and a political scientist.

Dmitry Azarov/Kommersant

The last conversation between the head of Rosneft, Igor Sechin, and Alexei Ulyukaev, before the arrest of the ex-minister of economic development, was read out by the prosecution in court. From this it did not become clearer why the minister personally went for a bribe of twenty kilos of dollars, although mankind has long come up with offshore. Two experts were asked by Fontanka to interpret the conversation between Ulyukaev and Sechin from two points of view: from the economic and gas and from the political. To whom was this text addressed and why did they meet at all? Mikhail Krutikhin, a partner of the consulting company RusEnergy, and a political scientist, economist, until 2002 a member of the government, Vladimir Milov, explain.

Recall the content of the previous series. In the summer and autumn of 2016, there was discussion of the privatization of Rosneft and Bashneft. The Ministry of Economic Development, headed by Alexei Ulyukaev, was against the scheme, according to which state-owned companies actually bought themselves out. Then it changed its mind, but the minister was still invited to visit by the head of Rosneft. It was November 14th. At the exit from the territory of Rosneft, a barrier blocked the road for Ulyukaev's car. The minister sat in the car for several hours, then he was detained, and then placed under house arrest.

The prosecution claims that Ulyukaev extorted a bribe with threats in exchange for approving privatization schemes, Sechin was forced to agree, but complained to the FSB. General Feoktistov was working in his security service just then quite by accident (he later returned to Lubyanka). Ulyukaev was detained, according to the prosecution, at the moment when he was putting a bag with money in the trunk. Sechin gave him two million dollars in two cases.

At the next meeting of the Zamoskvoretsky District Court of the capital, where the trial of the ex-minister is taking place, the state prosecutor announced the transcript of the audio recordings made in Sechin’s office on November 14, 2016. We emphasize: it was not the recordings themselves that were heard, but the transcripts made by the investigation. You can get acquainted with them on the Mediazone website.

From the records, we learn that Sechin was the initiator of the meeting. He not only called Ulyukaev "to look at the company", but also insisted on the time of the visit. Already in the office, the conversation turned to the “basket”, which Rosneft, on someone's behalf, had been preparing for a long time for a dear guest - and now they have finally assembled it. And as if all this time sausage was packed there. They say that the oil company really has such a tradition - to welcome guests with food packages. Sechin asks for forgiveness for delaying the "basket". Whoever gave the very order to complete it remains behind the scenes.

“Ulyukaev came to hear the editorial of the Pravda newspaper

You read the transcript - an uninteresting conversation about Rosneft and just about oil. For the uninitiated, its content is interpreted by Mikhail Krutikhin.

- Mikhail Ivanovich, if you take out the transfer of the "basket" for brackets, why did they meet?

- It's impossible to say, because the conversation itself is some kind of strange political information. The head of the state oil and gas company, besides the executive secretary of the commission on the fuel and energy complex, in a conversation with the minister, suddenly issues something like a press release. Intended not for the interlocutor, but for some third person. It seems that both worked for the public.

- Why both? Ulyukaev says almost nothing, only from time to time echoing Sechin's monologues.

- I suspect that Ulyukaev already knows very well what is happening at Rosneft. And with some surprise, he listens to this theatrical performance. There is absolutely no information in their conversation.

How is it not? Sechin complains to the minister that his tax base is "the heaviest in the world." Maybe the person just wanted to ask for tax breaks?

- He cannot ask the Ministry of Economic Development about this, because taxation issues are resolved at the presidential level. Therefore, in everything that Sechin says about taxes, there is also neither information nor a request to the minister.

But Ulyukaev agrees: yes, they say, "it is necessary to do it." He says that he understands Sechin. What does he understand and what does he agree with?

– He agrees with what everyone now understands: the current system of taxation in the industry is far from fair. The government recently approved a plan that would change the system to encourage investment in exploration and production. Companies will be able to pay taxes after making a profit. All oilmen agree with this, they are supported by the Ministry of Energy. The only opposing force was not Ulyukayev's ministry, but the Ministry of Finance. And by the way, I understand his reasoning. The new system could lead companies to inflate costs on paper.

- In what part of the conversation does Sechin discuss this key point with Ulyukaev? I do not see.

“They just don’t discuss it.

– The Indian project is very dependent on oil supplies from Venezuela. And Venezuela is either disrupting supplies, or all in debt. In general, this project has huge problems. Presenting this as a success for Rosneft is far from reality. Sechin is simply broadcasting a propaganda version here.

And he tells Ulyukaev that the oil will still be Iranian and Iraqi. And it gives out a lot of numbers that really color the company.

- That's just Iranian and Iraqi - this is oil that Rosneft does not own, it must be purchased on the foreign market, that is, the company has no merit in this. But the minister should know all this.

They also talk about freezing oil production: this will benefit America, its shale projects will receive a “time lag for preparing new volumes”, we will “lose markets” ...

- Here are two men sitting in a pub - and discussing the fact that the Volga flows into the Caspian Sea. Yes everything is correct. But why talk about it with the minister?

Maybe the freeze on oil production was such a burning issue that Sechin needed to urgently discuss it with the minister? So Ulyukaev is worried: "This must be taken into account." Sechin agrees: “We are working quietly, Lesha.”

– In fact, oil exports from Russia are not decreasing, but increasing. That is, Russian companies, including Rosneft, do not fulfill their obligations to OPEC. They are also increasing production. And why discuss it with the minister?

But they are both going to Lima for the APEC summit. Sechin says: "Yes, I will be in Lima." Ulyukaev still thinks that he "will also be." Maybe before Lima it was necessary to have time to discuss something, what will be decided there?

– Sechin is simply trying to present Rosneft as a global energy company. It's all the same pouting. Meanwhile, almost all the oil that Rosneft produces in Russia has been pledged to the Chinese for many years to come. Under the money given by the Chinese for the acquisition of Rosneft. And then Sechin says that the company is expanding its activities around the world.

Who is he talking to? A minister about whom he knows that in half an hour he will be arrested and he will no longer be a minister?

“I can't make any assumptions here. Ulyukaev came to the man so that he, in fact, read out the editorial of the Pravda newspaper to him. Why did he even go there? He could well have been invited to talk about something real, but instead they began to hang noodles on their ears.

- Probably, in this case, he would have asked: Igor Ivanovich, and you, in fact, why did you call me?

Yes, it would be better to ask.

“Ulyukaev had to be smoked out of the car”

Vladimir Milov takes the baton: if the conversation about the economy and oil was not the subject of the meeting, then why did Igor Sechin invite Aleksey Ulyukaev to visit? And why did the minister receive two million dollars and handcuffs on the way out of this meeting?

- Vladimir Stanislavovich, why was this strange meeting necessary?

- We do not know anything about this story at all, except for some leaks from Igor Sechin. Therefore, I suggest not to succumb and analyze the full range of possibilities. First, Ulyukaev did take the money.

- In the basket.

- Two million in hundred dollar bills is 20 kilograms of money.

- In a very large basket.

- This will not fit into any basket, here you have to drag two large bales. I think that some kind of basket could be, but it does not matter. The first option - Ulyukaev went to take the money. Secondly, there are a number of controversial situations related to both the Ministry of Economic Development and Rosneft. In particular, they discuss tax incentives and production costs. The government has been talking about this all the time. If you take the press for that time, you will see how Rosneft is constantly begging for tax breaks. The reason for the visit could be an attempt to acquaint Ulyukaev with some Sechin calculations. In principle, what they discussed fits into such a scheme that the Ministry of Economic Development can be an ally of Rosneft on the issue of benefits against the Ministry of Finance.

According to Mikhail Krutikhin, they did not discuss anything new there. In addition, Ulyukaev agrees with Sechin in everything, he no longer needs to be convinced.

Before analyzing their conversation, understand the basics. One of the participants in the conversation, Sechin, simply does not understand the economic aspects. The second, Ulyukaev, is a literate person, but not very versed in the oil sector. And do not be surprised that their conversation is superficial and consists of some kind of rubbish. In addition, we were given fragments - and we do not know how complete this conversation is.

I'm talking not only about the content, but also about the form. Here are quotes from Sechin: “In terms of development technology, we occupy a serious leading position, if we are not getting close to world leaders, then we are stepping on our heels”, “We are developing, despite the wishes of OPEC, I reported to Vladimir Vladimirovich”, “This is such a project for market, unique. Is that how people talk?

- I worked in the government for six years in leadership positions, I know the persons involved in the conversation personally. And it does not surprise me that their conversation is a mixture of officialdom and rubbish. What else can Sechin say? Such people learn phrases by heart. They mutter, they mumble. In addition, here before us are people, between whom there is a huge wall. They are rivals. There is no informal communication between them. This is one of the rare contacts.

And don't say that. Sechin calls Ulyukaev Lyosha, he cares that he can freeze without a jacket. He shares that he is warming himself.

- Sechin, as we now know, Ulyukaev should have been swindled into something. But formally, Ulyukaev is the boss whom he must convince of something.

Then why is Ulyukayev the chief going to Sechin? And not just driving. Sechin touted him, even insisted on time - and Ulyukaev obeyed.

- He is the boss in the sense that the solution of some issues of Sechin depends on his signature. But their political weight, of course, is different. And of course, not in favor of Ulyukaev. Ulyukaev said that he did not want to go. But it was an offer hard to refuse. Or maybe he just hoped that he would smooth out some corners in this conversation.

Where in this transcript are signs that they are rivals, that there are some angles? Ulyukaev all the time agrees: “Of course, we are 100 percent for”, “I am completely on your side with both hands.”

- I think he had something to say, but he did not do it. Although I would not attach any importance to the content of the conversation. Here it is necessary to analyze the general context at that time. And in the general context, they were just opponents, in particular - on the privatization of Rosneft and Bashneft. Perhaps Ulyukaev wanted to relieve some tension.

- That is, he went to be friends, and his ...

- Yes Yes. This is very typical for them. They perceive such softness as weakness: it means that they need to finish it off. It's in their blood.

There are strange moments in the conversation. Here they are discussing taxes, Sechin is giving a monologue. Ulyukaev agrees, begins the phrase: “And of course, we need several of these international ones ...” Sechin cuts him off in mid-sentence and transfers the conversation to that very “basket”. Did he see that it was time to get down to business?

- There is such a feeling. But I think that there is not enough information to draw conclusions. We don't see the whole picture. We see only fragments that Sechin shows us so that we start shouting “stop the thief!”. You never know what they could actually discuss there?

With the version that it was a conversation about the economy, one thing prevents me from agreeing: Sechin says all this to a man who will be arrested in half an hour.

– But Ulyukaev does not know this. Sechin knows this, but he cannot reveal it in the course of the conversation. Although, I repeat, we have very few details for conclusions.

- Are your sympathies on the side of Ulyukaev?

- Not certainly in that way. I have no sympathy for Ulyukaev. But about Sechin, I have complete confidence, confirmed by the facts in this case, that he carried out a provocation. This is the usual secret service wiring. Interpretations of audio recordings can be any. Show me real evidence. And there is another moment. They couldn't detain Ulyukayev in the city. This was done only in the Rosneft office and by the forces of its security service. To do this, he had to actually block his exit. He sat in the car for many hours. This suggests that they did not have sufficient legal grounds. They had to lure him into the office and actually take him hostage, and then smoke him out of the car, holding him in front of the barrier.

They understood that the Minister of Economics would not immediately put his hands into a suitcase with money to get smeared in paint.

- My version - the money was not intended personally for Ulyukaev. It could have been some kind of bonus for the employees of the ministry who were working on the Rosneft deal. Then immediately there is a lot of logic. They understood that Ulyukaev would not take the money himself. He can act only as such an intermediary courier. Therefore, it had to be taken only here and now.

- As long as he and the money are at least in one car?

- In any case, this explains why it was taken at the Rosneft office. Maybe, in another case, Ulyukaev would not have gone to Sechin, but he said: I am ready to pay your employees, but you come to me personally. And it was Ulyukaev's mistake. Although it cannot be ruled out that he still took the money for himself.

- Minister of Economy, who does not know how to get money by bank transfer?

- Yes, this is an implausible version. But do not forget that Ulyukaev is a representative of the "old guard". Anything can happen. But it is necessary to demand reinforced concrete evidence, but there is none. But there are a lot of signs that indicate that not everything is clean here.

Interviewed by Irina Tumakova, Fontanka.ru

Closed interrogation

During the consideration of the case, the Zamoskvoretsky Court sent four subpoenas to Sechin, calling him as a witness, but the head of Rosneft did not appear in court. As a result, the verdict was based on the testimony of FSB General Oleg Feoktistov, who oversaw the operational development of Ulyukaev and was present at the Rosneft office on November 14, 2016, on the day the marked money was handed over to the minister.

President Vladimir Putin had to comment on Sechin's absence during the traditional annual press conference in December 2017. The head of state did not see violations of the law in the actions of the head of the state-owned company, but noted that Sechin "could have come to court."

"What's so-and-so here? He could have repeated everything that he stated during the preliminary investigation and interrogations, ”Putin, noting that he“ saw the public reaction to this.

The appearance of the head of Rosneft at the appeal was not announced by either the representatives of the company or the parties to the process. During the consideration of the case, the representative of the state prosecution, Boris Neporozhny, asked the court to hear the testimony of the witness Sechin. He demanded that Sechin be interrogated behind closed doors, since during the interrogation the circumstances constituting, among other things, a commercial secret, as well as confidential documents on the privatization of Bashneft, would be investigated.

Alexei Ulyukaev and his defense opposed the interrogation of Igor Sechin behind closed doors. According to the former minister, there is no reason to interrogate the head of Rosneft at the appeal stage. Lawyers supported his position. “We interrogated the former minister of economic development. We interrogated his deputies. We interrogated the head of the Federal Property Management Agency. And none of them demanded that this be done behind closed doors,” said Timofey Gridnev, Ulyukaev’s lawyer. The judge granted the prosecution's demand and asked the journalists to leave the courtroom.

Court visitors did not have the opportunity to see Sechin and ask him questions: he was led into the courtroom through separate entrance for prosecutors, where he got from the neighboring building of the Moscow City Court through an overpass. After the interrogation, he also left the building in a detour.

“No one put pressure on him, he came to court as soon as the opportunity arose. He is a law-abiding citizen, ”Rosneft spokesman Mikhail Leontiev explained Sechin’s appearance in court to RIA Novosti.

What Sechin said

Later, Sechin himself commented on the appearance in court, explaining it for the results of the fight against corruption in the country. “For me, this was a matter of principle, because I wanted my testimony to be taken into account by the court. I am the main witness, and for me it was a matter of honor, ”he told Rossiya 24. He explained his failure to appear in the court of first instance by a serious work schedule and noted that he came "as soon as the opportunity arose."

“Today’s trial was held behind closed doors due to a number of circumstances, so I can’t talk about the details, but in general I can say that during the court session I confirmed my position that Ulyukaev demanded an illegal reward, he himself indicated its amount, he came for him and left himself,” Sechin said.

Sechin's testimony is "constructed" and "inaccurate", but they give reason to send, Ulyukaev's defender Timofey Gridnev said in his speech in the debate. Thus, the verdict of the Zamoskvoretsky Court was based on the testimony of FSB General Oleg Feoktistov and Sechin's statement to the head of the FSB Alexander Bortnikov. It claimed that the demand for a bribe was made in the lobby of a hotel in Goa while playing billiards, but now Sechin said that it was made after playing on the stairs, when the minister and the head of Rosneft were going to another event. In addition, it followed from the verdict that it was Ulyukaev who called Sechin, although the recording of their conversations indicated otherwise.

“Today we have lost a huge part of the evidence referred to by the court of first instance,” Gridnev said. According to him, the very idea that Ulyukaev could demand a bribe in a crowd of people and in the presence of the presidential protocol service is absurd, and the available videos show that they left the summit event separately.

Sechin's testimony, on the contrary, is in excellent agreement with other evidence in the case, prosecutors Boris Neporozhny and Pavel Filipchuk said.

In his last speech at the meeting on April 12, Ulyukaev said that during the trial, not a single piece of evidence was presented that he had ever demanded a bribe from the head of Rosneft. “On the contrary, there was a lot of evidence of my innocence. The entire verdict is based on one circumstantial evidence, built on the principle of "". Or rather, “one man said, as another man said, that the third man demanded a bribe from him,” Ulyukaev said.

Listened to criticism

The reason for Sechin's arrival at the trial could be the fear that the sentence would be canceled, says Yevgeny Korchago, a member of the council for interaction with civil society institutions under the chairman of the Federation Council. “He is the main witness for the prosecution, and no one except him saw how Ulyukaev demanded money from him. Therefore, his appearance in the appeal can be regarded as giving the verdict of the first instance legitimacy, which reduces the likelihood of its subsequent cancellation, ”Korchago is sure.

Another version of the unexpected arrival of Sechin in court is put forward by the ex-Prosecutor General of Russia, Yuri Skuratov. “Sechin’s appearance in court was not connected with fears that the sentence would not stand, we know that our judges are very understanding, especially since public opinion was prepared in advance,” he says. According to Skuratov, the arrival of the head of Rosneft is associated with a threat to personal authority due to the numerous criticisms that were made against him. “It is impossible for one of the applicants to demonstrate contempt of court,” the former prosecutor general believes.

Sechin's unexpected decision may be due either to the personal recommendation of President Vladimir Putin, or the result of a struggle for the distribution of seats in the highest echelons of power after the inauguration of the head of state, political consultant Dmitry Fetisov is sure. “The President publicly criticized Sechin for not participating in such a high-profile trial. Sechin, as a systemic person, is not interested in his influence falling. In the context of the imminent resignation of the government, Sechin is signaling that he wants to maintain his influence and possibly get some new high position, Fetisov added. And that is why I could pay attention to criticism and go to trial, ”concluded the expert.